Referendums: Arguments For and Against

Referendums: Arguments For and Against What are the arguments for and against the holding of popular referendums? Under what circumstances, if any, should they be held? The referendum has its origins in direct democracy, and can therefore be dated back to the 5th Century BC in the Greek city state of Athens. The concept of a referendum has changed and developed in line with democracy and can now be found in a number of differing forms throughout the developed world. A referendum is broadly defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as â€Å"a general vote by the electorate on a single political question†; however this definition fails to make distinctions between the many types of referendum which exist, or the modern day importance of referendums. In an initial classification there are three types of referendum as defined by the Britannica Concise Encyclopaedia. Obligatory referendums; which are required by law, optional referendums; which are put on the ballot when a sufficient number of voters sign a petition demanding that a law passed by the legislature be ratified by the people, and voluntary referendums; when legislatures submit to voter s to decide an issue or to test public opinion. There are a number of widely credited arguments both for and against the holding of popular referendums, however, there are only a few key ideas encapsulated in these arguments. Those in favour of referendums generally tend to point out that they; promote political participation and increase voter knowledge on issues as well as helping to strengthen democracy and further legitimate the government. Whilst arguments against referendums concentrate on ideas; that the public are ill equipped to make important political decisions, and that the information they do have is distorted through media influence, that referendums only provide an idea of public opinion at that one point in time, and that referendums weaken and remove power from the representative institutions elected by the public. The holding of popular referendums is key in a democratic system where the people are becoming, not only disengaged but disinterested in the political process as a whole. The use of referendums can help to counter this affect, provided that clear guidelines are set for when a referendum should take place. The word democracy comes from the Latin demos meaning the people and kratos meaning power or rule (OED); rule by the people. The practicalities of this literal definition, often referred to as direct democracy, are almost impossible in our world today, where in the UK in 2005 there were 44,245,939 people registered to vote (www.idea.int)[1]. However, representative democracy is a â€Å"limited and indirect form of democracy† (Heywood 2007:74) which relies on, in most cases, an electoral mandate for legitimacy. This electoral mandate has been called into question on a number of occasions in modern political history, most notably in the US presidential election of 2005 between George W Bush and Al Gore, and again in the UK General Election of 2005. Referendums could be seen in a modern political context as a stepping stone between direct and representative democracy. It is fair to say that in the majority of developed political societies people have the opportunity to vote into office representatives whom they believe to share policy views with. However, it would be impossible for any political party to represent all the views of its members and supporters, as a result parties may include certain policy promises in their manifestos that their voters do not want to see implemented (Caramani 2008:254). This, along with the fact that people vote for parties for such a wide range of reasons, mean that it is not possible to conclude that peoples policy preferences are the same as the party they vote for (Setala 1999: 14-16). Therefore, a referendum allows the public to show a direct opinion on a specific policy matter they would otherwise be impossible. Linked to the idea that referendums strengthen democracy with regards to policy decisions, there is also the theory that they legitimate government between elections. The period between major governmental elections is, in many countries, several years. In this time period governments can, for the most part, make decisions without any public consultation. There is therefore a danger that although these officials are elected as representatives, it is only the opposition parties and the checks and balances outlined in constitutions that prevent them from deviating from their original promises. Referendums allow the government to not only gauge public opinion on policy but also to make clear that the decisions they are making are in line with public attitude on issues concerning them, therefore providing another check against the power of government. Opponents to referendums argue that instead of strengthening democracy and legitimising government they in fact weaken the political system by removing power from elected bodies. Representative democracy is founded on the principle that elected officials represent the views of the people and make decisions on their behalf; therefore a referendum undermines this principle. Sir Patrick Nairne observed that â€Å"if Members of Parliament are elected to settle national issues of major policy brought before them by the Government, is it right to throw such issues back to the voters to settle† (Qvotrup 2005:23). This argument concerning the weakening of bodies is, although worth acknowledging, very limited in its view on referendums. It concentrates for the most part on the idea that referendums remove decision making power from elected bodies and would therefore render them both less effective and less powerful. However, this is an extreme view that fails to recognise that referend ums can be used to aid governments as well as the people, and provide a vital link between the two, as has already been argued. In the majority of political systems across the world we are witnessing a worrying downward trend in voter turnout. This can be attributed to a number of causes including; partisan dealignment, disenchantment with the political system and indifference to politics. Referendums can be used to help promote political participation by enabling the electorate to become better educated and informed and therefore reduce the feeling of alienation (Heywood 2007:250). By providing people with the opportunity to participate in referendums they are presented with the opportunity to educate and inform themselves on political issues. There is clearly a link between an informed electorate and higher levels of political participation, as Verba, Schlozman and Brady (1995) argue. This correlation arises from the fact that a more politically educated electorate is able understand the workings of government, and the issues affecting them; therefore seek to bring about change. Switzerland was one of the f irst countries to introduce referendums to make decisions on proposed legislation. Although turnout figures in Switzerland are not very high, around 45% (www.idea.int)[2], it can be argued that the Swiss people are more politically active than turnout figures show due to the fact that there is such a large number of referendums not everyone votes in all of them, and also that they are more involved with political parties and in other ways than most other countries. Aside from elections there are very few ways in which citizens can directly influence political decisions. There are provisions in most democratic countries for the electorate to have some personal contact with their representative, however for the most part people do not make use of this tool because they believe it to be ineffectual; issues raised in these arenas rarely have an effect on the outcome of policy. People are also able to join political parties yet; again, they are faced with the same problems of ineffectuality. A referendum therefore provides an answer to increasing ways for the electorate to positively participate in politics. A binding referendum permits the public to make the final decision on a specific policy, although these types of referendums are not widely used, it is rare for a government to go against the public even in a non-binding referendum. In 1975 the UK, both electorate and government, was divided over whether or not it should continue its membership in the European Economic Community. The overwhelming â€Å"Yes† vote to stay in Europe was upheld by the Labour government of the time, although it was not a binding referendum, and was hailed as a â€Å"historic decision† by Prime Minister Harold Wilson (www.bbc.co.uk/news)[3]. The counter arguments to increased political participation and voter knowledge through referendums are that; in fact, referendums can cause voter fatigue and decrease participation, and that the public are ill equipped to make important political decisions. The first of these arguments relies on the premise that the public would be able to vote on all or a large number of policies. However, this move back to direct democracy is not desirable for the public or the government; presenting the public with such a large number of opportunities to vote could indeed cause voting fatigue. There is a compromise to be found between allowing the public to vote on all policy and not allowing them to vote on it at all. The latter of these criticisms on referendums concern voter knowledge. It is ignorant to assume that the electorate are either not informed, or are unable, to educate themselves on political issues put to them in referendums. If people are able to vote and presumably make an informed decision on which political party they wish to represent them they are equally able to do so in a referendum. Critics argue that information is distorted through the media prior to referendums, and this is a problem worth considering. During the first referendum on the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland two of Rupert Murdochs biggest selling newspapers The Irish Sun and The Sunday Times were seen as going â€Å"hell for leather on a No vote† (www.guardian.co.uk)[4]; similarly the media coverage on the 1975 Common Market Referendum was heavily biased to the â€Å"Yes† campaign, it has been estimated that twenty times the amount of money was available to this campaign than to the â€Å"No† campa ign (www.europeansinglecurrency.com/referendum)[5]. Although in these instances the media seemed to have an influence on the final outcome there are other, more fundamental, factors which influence peoples decisions, the American political scientist John Zaller encapsulates this idea; â€Å"Every opinion is a marriage of information and predisposition† (Zaller 1992:6). For referendums to be used effectively it is important that the circumstances in which they should be held are clearly defined and upheld by law. When considering this point one must take into account that referendums should not used in a way that, as many opponents argue, undermines the authority of the elected bodies in a representative democracy. An answer to this is that referendums should only be used in matters of constitutional importance and not for other policy decisions. It is, after all, constitutions which safeguard the fundamental rights of the electorate as well as preventing the misuse of power by elected bodies (Dahl 2000: 124-127). However, only allowing people to vote on constitutional changes is very limiting, especially if the issue directly influences the way in which they live, and there may also be instances in which the government wishes to hold a referendum on another issue, therefore a wider definition for circumstances must be found. It would be almost impo ssible to define exactly which policy areas the electorate should be able to vote on in referendums. There are obviously issues on which it would be inappropriate to have a referendum, taxes are an obvious example; there are complex issues on which the public would probably not have the time or adequate resources to inform themselves on and which have no real affect on them, for example defence policies. Therefore the best course of action would probably be to allow the elected body to decide in these instances which policies it is sensible to put to a referendum. Australia, in fact follows these basic guidelines for holding referendums to great success. Compulsory national referendums are â€Å"held to approve government-proposed changes to the Australian Constitution†, the constitution specifies this; furthermore the government can also conduct optional referendums or ‘plebiscites to decide on matters outside of the constitution (www.wikipedia.org)[6]. This system of conducting referendums is ideal because the electorate are guaranteed a vote on constitutional issues as well as being given the opportunity, when appropriate, to vote on other policy matters. Referendums provide a vital direct link between government and the electorate which is otherwise unseen in representative democracies. They can help to promote political participation as well as creating a better informed electorate; they also strengthen democracy in modern society. Yet referendums, despite all of this are often criticised for the way in which they weaken elected bodies and do not provide a true gauge on public opinion, largely due to media influence. However, as has been argued none of these arguments hold much weight, especially in the face of a system where the use of referendums have clear guidelines, as in Australia, to be used for constitutional amendments and wherever else is seen as fit by the elected bodies in power. Referendums are a tool which should be used more widely in todays political systems of democracy as they are a manageable and positive step towards a hybrid political system which effectively combines representative and direct democracy. Bibliography Britannica Concise Encyclopaedia (2007) (London: Britannica Concise Encyclopaedia, Inc.) Caramani, Daniele (2008) Comparative Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press) Dahl, Robert. A. (2000) On Democracy (Yale: Yale University Press) Heywood, Andrew (2007) Politics third edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan) Oxford Dictionary of English (2005) 2nd edition revised (Oxford: Oxford University Press) Setala, Maija (1999) Referendums and Democratic Government: Normative Theory and the Analysis of Institutions (Basingstoke: Macmillan) Verba, Sidney, Kay Lehman, Schlozman and Henry Brady (1995) Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press) Zaller, John (1992) The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) [1] â€Å"United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Voter Turnout International† Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2005 < http://www.idea.int/vt/country_view.cfm?country=GB> (13 Nov. 2009) [2] â€Å"Swiss Confederation Voter Turnout† International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2007 < http://www.idea.int/vt/country_view.cfm?id=42> (13 Nov. 2009) [3] â€Å"1975: UK embraces Europe on Referendum† 1975 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/june/6/newsid_2499000/2499297.stm> (13 Nov. 2009) [4] â€Å"NI votes NO in Irish referendum† 2009 < http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/oct/01/ireland-referendum-rupert-murdoch> (13 Nov 2009) [5] â€Å"Was the 1975 Referendum Conducted Fairley† A British Referendum 2003 < http://www.europeansinglecurrency.com/referendum.htm> (13 Nov 2009) [6] â€Å"Federal Referendums† Referendums in Australia 2009 < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Referendums_in_Australia> (13 Nov 2009)

Cult Practices in Late Bronze Age Cyprus

Cult Practices in Late Bronze Age Cyprus Assess the evidence for cult practices on Cyprus during the LBA (Late Bronze Age). There is a variety of evidence for cult practices on Cyprus during the LBA although it is often difficult to interpret and scholarly opinion of the significance or meaning of any particular piece of evidence may vary widely.   In absolute terms, the LBA on Cyprus approximately covers the period from 1650-1050BC, some six hundred years, and in relative terms is divided by Steel into the phases LC (Late Cypriot) I-IIIA (Tatton-Brown 1997, 91; Steel 2004, 13).   The later phase down to c1050BC, traditionally termed LCIIIB, may be considered a transitional Bronze/Early Iron Age.   Such a considerable amount of time offers considerable scope for change in religious thought and practice, which may be more or less visible in the archaeological record, and although some material change through time may be observable, any interpretation still poses the danger of imposing a possibly non-existent uniformity on the material.   A lack of any written references such as inscriptions, dedica tions or other texts to deities in LBA Cyprus further complicates matters (Tatton-Brown 1997, 62).   Nevertheless, the archaeological evidence usually discussed in terms of religious or cultic beliefs and practices in LBA Cyprus seems to fall into several interlinked categories: clay figurines, architectural remains (eg of sanctuaries) and artefacts, such as statuettes, imported pottery or bucrania, found in association with those architectural remains.   The identification of any particular deities has been fraught with difficulty, but several bronze statuettes, the most well-known being known as the Ingot God and the Bomford figurine, are often thought to represent Cypriot or sometimes foreign gods and to show a link between cult and metalworking.   This essay shall therefore examine these in turn, focussing on LCII and LCIIIA in particular.   There are various types of figurine from LBA Cyprus and as with figurines from elsewhere, their interpretation and significance is disputed.   Considering the earlier stump and plank type human figures, Tatton-Brown (1997, 62) suggests that whether they were fertility charms or goddesses ‘in practical terms their function would have been the same’.   It is perhaps appropriate to bear this in mind with the LBA figurines.   Karageorghis (2001, 323) has noted two types of female symbolism in the religious iconography of LBA Cyprus: one type of nude female figurine holding or supporting her breasts first appears on Cyprus in the Chalcolithic and continues down to the sixth century BC (see Tatton-Brown 1997, 49, fig. 49); another type, the kourotrophos (or boy-feeder; see Tatton-Brown 1997, 62 fig. 67 for an early plank-shaped kourotrophos) appeared firstly in the LBA and was also present in the Aegean as well as Cyprus.   The former are sometimes known as ‘Asta rte’ type figures, after the Syrian goddess.   This emphasis on female characteristics such as breasts and genitals, as well as the feeding infant or infant in arms, is certainly suggestive of an interest in fertility and the feminine aspect, often thought to be represented by a ‘Great Goddess’ of Cyprus.   Although there is no textual evidence regarding female deities from LBA Cyprus, much later fourth century BC dedications at Paphos refer to ‘Wanassa’ – the ‘Lady’, which seems to be an old title known in the LBA Linear B record of mainland Greece (Tatton-Brown 1997, 63).   Greeks knew this goddess as Aphrodite or the Cyprian in the eighth century BC while Cypriots knew her as the Paphian, from the religious centre at Paphos.   Whatever the female figurines represent – and they may not even represent goddesses, it has nevertheless been concluded that anthropomorphic clay figurines ‘are not a typical element of LC cult equipment in LCII or LCIII’ but become popular towards the end of the LBA (Steel 2004, 205, 211).   Indeed, it seems that especially at Enkomi in LCIIIB, in the Sanctuary of the Ingot God, smaller and larger figurines (wheel-made with upraised arms) became especially popular, perhaps representing worshippers and deities.   The larger figurines seem to be related to Cretan examples (Karageorghis 2001, 325).   Most of the 120 figurines were deliberately broken, which may be indicative of changes in cult practice at this time (Webb 1999, 107). Anthropomorphic figurines are not the only type of figurine that may be related to cult practices on LBA Cyprus.   Another key type may be the bull figurine.   Steel (2004, 178) suggests that ‘most LC cult sanctuaries are equipped with at least a single terracotta bull figure.’   Hadjisavvas (1989) describes the tentative identification of two sanctuaries and a household cult area at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris from LCIIC-IIIA, where in total more than ten bull figurines were found on floors (see Hadjisavvas 1989, 38 fig. 3.6).   Evidence of metalworking and a miniature ox-hide ingot were also found associated.   Since bull figurines tend to be found on the floors of sanctuaries rather than deposited in pits (bothroi) or wells, Webb suggests they served as cult equipment rather than offerings (Webb 1999, 219).   Bucrania had appeared on clay sanctuary models from the Early Bronze Age testifying to the longstanding significance of the bull in the Cypriot mindscape (Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 202) and the LBA figures emphasise the continuing importance of the bull in LCIIIA cult practices, reflected in the finds of cattle bones and skulls at sites such as the Sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi (Steel 2004, 205).   It may be significant that at several sites, including the Sanctuary of the Double Goddess at Enkomi, no bull figurines were found.   The focus of communal ceremonial activity seems to have changed in LCIIA from the extramural cemeteries that seemed to dominate the ceremonial of LCI to sites specific to religious activity – sanctuaries, that now appear in the archaeological record (Steel 2004, 175).   There are notable examples of specialised cult centres from LCIIA at Myrtou-Pighades, Athienou and perhaps Ayios Iakovos-Dhima and in LCIIC-IIIA at the urban centres of Kition, Enkomi and Palaepaphos (Steel 2004, 176).   As seen above, the religious nature of a place may often be suggested by the finds associated with it, such as bull figurines or miniature ingots, supposing that they are a specialised assemblage distinct from domestic assemblages.   Particular architectural features or installations, such as horns of consecration (a feature from the Aegean, particularly Crete), altars and a cult room, may also be used to identify LC sanctuaries.   The remains of sacrifice, stores cult objects and image s and specialised prestige and religious objects, such as figurines, bucrania and imported pottery should also be indicative of a sanctuary (Knapp 1996, 75-6 cited in Steel 2004, 175).   However, the identification of cult buildings is not always straightforward since as Webb (1999, 11) points out ‘there appear to be few artefacts or architectural or locational indicators exclusively diagnostic of cult activity. Virtually all object types, with the probable exception of horns of consecration, are found in domestic and funerary as well as apparently ritual contexts’ and there is a danger of circular argumentation.   Ã‚  Ã‚   Bearing in mind the problems of identification, Webb (1999, 157-6; 166-88) has nevertheless suggested a number of characteristics of LC cult buildings.   Such buildings are mostly rectangular and freestanding and incorporate an enclosed courtyard or temenos.   They tend to be laid out on an east-west axis and often comprise two or three units of rooms – the hall, sometimes supported by rows of pillars, the cella or adyton and a vestibule.   A range of internal installations may be present, including: benches, for storage and display; hearths, often with burnt animal bone suggestive of sacrifice; stone podia for food and drink offerings or the display of votives or cult equipment; stone platforms or altars with horns of consecration, as at Myrtou-Pighades; terracotta larnakes or bathtubs and pits or bothroi, for the disposal of debris from sacrifices.   Also characteristic of LCII cult places are faunal remains of sheep, goat, cattle and deer, perhaps in the form of ash and burnt bone, the remains of sacrifice and feasting.   The main function of cult buildings may have been to house the deity and any ritual or public assembly may have made use of the courtyard or temenos area (Webb 1999, 162).   There may have been restricted access to particular areas reflecting the specialised role of religious functionaries, as in other ancient Near Eastern societies.   Keswani (1993, 74) has commented that what is striking about LC religious sites is their diversity in architectural form, which might argue for the existence of independent local polities.   However the relationship between religion and its expression in material terms, let alone the relationship between religion and politics, is unclear and, to use an analogy, the similarity of Gothic cathedrals or Christian churches across various countries does not reflect political unity.   Furthermore, whether the modern scholar’s distinction between cult building and non-cult building ref lects any particular distinction between sacred and secular that may or may not have existed in LBA Cyprus is moot. Turning now to the artefacts that are often found in the sanctuaries, Steel (2004, 177) notes that in contrast to the variety in architecture, the cult equipment of LCII sanctuaries is fairly uniform.   Although she comments that this may suggest ‘a certain degree of uniformity of cult practices and religious beliefs’ it should be borne in mind that material similarities and even similarities of ritual action do not necessarily betoken similarities in religious belief – the number of religions ancient and modern that utilise, for example, ritualised drinking (eg Christianity), while having very different sets of beliefs, should warn us of this.   That said, the cult equipment is largely made up of ceramics that suggest certain features of cult practice.   Liquid containers are common finds, especially Base Ring carinated cups which may have been used for wine consumption during feasting, for pouring libations or both (Steel 2004, 177).   The pottery in the se contexts is usually fine Cypriot ware with some Mycenaean imports, mainly in the form of kraters, probably for mixing wine.   Some Mycenaean rhyta, often conical vessels used for pouring libations, have been found, for example at Myrtou-Pighades and Kition (see Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 201 fig. 134) and a locally made imitation in ivory was found at Athienou, although they may not have been fully incorporated into Cypriot ritual (Steel 2004, 178).   Other vessels such as Mycenanaean kylikes may have been used for libation ceremonies.   The ceramic focus on drinking seems reminiscent of the mainland Greek LBA palace of Pylos, with its storerooms full of drinking cups.   Another shared feature is the practice of using miniature votives, either ceramics or ingots, such as at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris (Hadjisavvas 1989, 38).   Apart from ceramics, Steel (2004, 178) also mentions the presence of objects that may have been used in divination: incised ox-scapulae, astragalis and worked shells, and other valuable items such as faience, ivory, glass, alabaster, bronzes and sealstones, which may have been involved in competitive display, at least on the urban sanctuaries.   Three of the most famous and enigmatic bronze finds, perhaps representing deities, are the Ingot God from Enkomi, the unprovenanced Bomford statuette and the Horned God from Enkomi, all of which would seem to belong to LCIIIA (Carless Hulin 1989; Steel 2004, 180, 205 plate 25). The Ingot God is a warrior with a horned helmet, holding a small round shield and spear.   He appears to be standing on a characteristically shaped bronze ox-hide ingot.   The Bomford statuette resembles an ‘Astarte’ figurine but also seems to stand upon an ingot.   Many interpretations have been offered, including suggestions that the Ingot God is a Babylonian or Levantine god (Nergal) or the Greek smith-god Hephaistos; others have linked it with Syria-Palestine or the Aegean (Carless Hulin 1989, 127).   The Bomford figurine, reckoned to be a local Cypriot goddess, has been assumed to be the consort of the Ingot God, since it also stands on an ingot, and thus Carless Hulin (1989, 127) ha s suggested that its identification must be seen in light of that figure.   While these two figures have posed significant problems in interpretation and in particular origins as deduced from style have been a major concern of those examining them, they do seem to show a connection between religion and metalwork (Steel 2004, 180).   This is not entirely surprising since such a link is suggested by the miniature ingots from cult areas mentioned above at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris or those from Enkomi, some with inscriptions.   Further representations of ingots have been noted that seem to show them in a ritualised sense – ie being carried in a procession   (unless this is mere transportation or loading), on sealstones, and in combination with human figures, trees and bucrania, the association of which would seem to indicate ritual significance (Knapp 1986, 37).   Another link between religion and metalwork is shown by the physical proximity of cult and metalworking areas .   This was the case at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris (Hadjisavvas 1989, 41) and can be seen clearly at Kition-Kathari (see Steel 2004, 179 fig. 6.13) as well as many other sites.   Hadjisavvas (1989, 41) concluded that there was a relationship between elite control (priesthood/priest-king) of craft production and trade in copper and other commodities and between cult and metalworking.   As with drinking, the relationship seems reminiscent of that of Pylos as a specialised production centre with close links between production, storage and religious/political authority. The Horned God has also been classed as a warrior god (Steel 2004, 205), though it does not possess the military accoutrements (the spear and shield) of the Ingot God.   The impractically horned helmet may in fact be arrogating or representing some aspect of the bull divinity in human aspect.   The sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi in fact revealed cattle bones, skulls and possibly traces of an Aegean bull’s head rhyton that might be taken as supporting this conjecture.   Although these three bronze figures are commonly referred to as gods, the problem of interpretation nonetheless remains.   Do the statues represent deities and were they venerated?   Are they votives or substitutes for worshippers or individuals?   Perhaps they were simply items of cult equipment used in ceremonies, perhaps revealed during ceremonies of divine appearance or the enactment of myths.   Their deposition seems to suggest deliberate closure ceremonies (Steel 2004, 206), suggesting that these rituals and statuettes are tied to specific times in LBA Cyprus and presumably responded to specific social needs.   Thus it is perhaps unwise to draw period wide generalisations from such evidence. Another type of evidence appearing in LCIII that should be mentioned briefly is the terracotta masks from the urban sanctuaries of Enkomi and Kition (Steel 2004, 204).   These have been divided into anthropomorphic and demonic types, both of which are slightly less than adult life size.   Some have traces of paint and eight of the anthropomorphic masks show a bearded male with cut-out eyes and a closed mouth.   The demonic faces are deeply grooved.   The masks have been interpreted as ritual objects worn during rites of passage from childhood to adulthood – the demonic masks representing the wild state of childhood and as masks used in mythological re-enactments connected to metalworking (Steel 2004, 205). This essay has attempted to outline and assess the evidence for cult practice in LBA Cyprus.   Inevitably not all of the evidence has been mentioned here but it is hoped that reasonable coverage has been given to the main points.   It has shown that while there is much evidence linked to cult in the LBA, such as figurines, sanctuaries and specialised artefacts, their interpretation is often problematic.   Even when it is fairly certain that items may have been involved in cult in one way or another, any more specific comment is often impossible, even when deciding if a figurine represent a divinity.   It has also been demonstrated that to link variety in architectural form to any interpretation of the political geography of LBA Cyprus may be problematic, since the wider relationships between material and non-material remain obscure.   Furthermore, the essay examined the significance of several bronze statuettes, usually taken to be divinities, and the problems in their inte rpretation as well as the novel terracotta masks that appear in LCIII.   On the other hand, it has been shown that there seems to have been lively religious activity on LBA Cyprus that involved drinking and feasting using particular ceramics and in particular places, the pouring of libations and sacrifice of animals, as well as the deposition of valuable items.   There seems to have been a particular reverence for bulls and their imagery as well as the female aspect represented by figurines and the Bomford statuette, as well as a significant link between metalworking and religion, as demonstrated by both the proximity of cult and metalworking areas and the presence of miniature ingots.   Another important aspect of LBA Cypriot religion seems to be the willingness to incorporate features from outside Cyprus, the Cretan horns of consecration, for example, rhyta, Mycenaean cups, kraters and the like and the ability of Cypriot religion to change over time. References Carless Hulin, L. 1989. The identification of Cypriot cult figures through cross-cultural comparison: some problems.   In Peltenburg, E. (ed.) 1989. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp127-39. Hadjisavvas, S. 1989. A Late Cypriot Community at Alassa. In Peltenburg, E. (ed.) 1989. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp32-42. Karageorghis, V. 2001. The Great Goddess of Cyprus Between the Aegeans and the ‘Etrocypriots’. In Laffineur, R. and Hagg, R. (eds.) 2001. POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age Aegaeum 22. Gà ¶teborg: Gà ¶teborg University pp323-27. Keswani, P.S. 1993. Models of Local Exchange in Late Bronze Age Cyprus. BASOR 292: 73-83. Knapp, A.B. 1986. Copper Production and Divine Protection: Archaeology, Ideology and Social Complexity on Bronze Age Cyprus. SIMA Pocketbook 42. Gà ¶teborg: Paul Astrà ¶ms Fà ¶rlag.    Preziosi, D. and Hitchcock, L.A. 1999. Aegean Art and Arc hitecture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Steel, L. 2004. Cyprus Before History. From the Earliest Settlers to the End of the Bronze Age. London: Duckworth. Tatton-Brown, V. 1997. Ancient Cyprus. (2nd edition) London: British Museum Press. Webb, J.M. 1999. Ritual Architecture, Iconography and Practice in the Late Cypriot Bronze Age.   Jonsered: Paul Astrà ¶ms Fà ¶rlag.

Essay --

This essay will be comparing and contrasting two magazines aimed at the female readership, and they are called Bitch Magazine and Cosmopolitan, with regards to their front pages, content and articles, their ideals of beauty, and feminism. With this essay, we will learn the extreme differences between two magazines Bitch is a Portland based independent, quarterly magazine, with a touting a tagline of a â€Å"feminist response to pop culture.† Founded in 1996, Bitch is published by Bitch Media, a non-profit multimedia organization. This magazine offers a feminist perspective and analysis of social and cultural trends, current political events, as well as forms of media such as television, movies, music, books, artwork, and advertising. Bitch magazine has around 50,000 readers. Cosmopolitan is an international magazine for women, and is the best-selling women’s magazine for decades. The notoriously risquà © magazine says it is â€Å"by women for women.† Also referred as Cosmo, the magazine was published in 1886 in the United States as a family magazine, and eventually became what we know of as a women’s magazine during the late 1960’s. This magazine is published by a for-profit organization called Hearst Magazine and has 64 international editions. It is currently being printed in 35 languages and is being distributed in more than 100 countries. Its boasts more than 3 million in paid circulation each and every month, and 115,000 paid subscribers. To begin with, I will be comparing the magazines front page’s headlines. Cosmopolitan is ridiculously formulaic and right from the get go you can tell from a comparison of previous front page headlines. Each issue meticulously follows the same predetermined formula. Their headlines are trashy and des... ...ncourages and instills the idea that women are amazingly great without changing themselves or suppressing their unique identities. This essay has compared and contrasted two magazines aimed at the female readership, and they are called Bitch Magazine and Cosmopolitan, with regards to their front pages, content and articles, their ideals of beauty, and feminism. Cosmopolitan is a magazine that gives harmful ideas to women about their sexuality, their health and happiness, and how it is supposedly dependent upon whether or not they fit into the unrealistic beauty standards that this magazine possesses. In divergence, Bitch Magazine teaches women to love themselves and to support each other no matter what. Bitch encourages women to understand that they are absolutely perfect just the way they are and that there is no need to change or suppress their given identities.

Willa Cathers Short Story Pauls Case Essay example -- Willa Cather P

Willa Cather's Short Story "Paul's Case"   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In Willa Cather’s short story Paul’s Case we learn of a young man who is fighting what he fears most: to be as common and plain as his world around him. How others perceive Paul only encourages him to fulfill his dream of escaping his monotonous lifestyle. Paul feels he is drowning in his everyday environment and his only breath of air is his savior: the theater.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Paul has very little interest in his class studies. This leaves him open to distraction and eventually criticism. Although Paul’s appearance is that of a perfect gentleman, his teachers find his behavior inappropriate and unacceptable. The narrator draws particular attention to Paul’s eyes describing them as â€Å"remarkable for a certain hysterical brilliancy†(Cather 245); this is followed by the response of his teachers who find it â€Å"peculiarly offensive in a boy†(Cather 245). Paul’s meeting with the schools principal continues as each of his teachers get an opportunity to voice their disgust with Paul. The whole time Paul stands there never losing his smile. This is dubbed â€Å"irritating to the last degree† (Cather 246). For Paul this is his sign of strength. He refuses to allow his teachers, of such simple minds, to tear at his soul. They have no understanding of Paul’s behavior and do not wish to learn. A fter the meeting his teachers felt remorse for their onslaught against this mere boy. One remarked on the similarity to a â€Å"miserable street cat set at bay by a r...

Analysis of Common Enzymatic Pathways in Gambierdiscus toxicus and Symbiodinium in the TCA Cycle :: The TCA Cycle

Background: Dinoflagellates are one of the four main types of phytoplankton, which are photosynthetic, single celled and free living organisms in the ocean. Dinoflagellates cause the Harmful Algal Blooms (HAB) also known as the red tide effect (Hackett et al 2004). Toxicity persisting at upper levels of the food chain is detected in them from the ones which are toxic, but not all such blooms are toxic. Enhanced detection capabilities may in part contribute to observed high frequency and severity of toxic blooms. As they are also important in the health of coral reefs their study has gained significant interest. Species are often selected for genome sequencing based on their importance as a model organism or relevance to human health, such as the HAB case. Fig 1 Gambierdiscus Toxicus and its golden brown chloroplasts (Image courtesy: Institute Malarde) Recreating the evolutionary history of dinoflagellates has been challenging as they possess a known ability to transform from noncyst – to cyst – forming strategies (unreferenced/Wikipedia). The dinoflagellate nucleus lacks histones, nucleosomes and maintains continually condensed chromosomes during mitosis (Dodge 1966), making their classification difficult (Hackett et al 2004). Though being classified as eukaryotes, the dinoflagellate nuclei are not characteristically eukaryotic (Dodge 1966). However, typical eukaryotic organelles, such as Golgi bodies, mitochondria and chloroplasts are present in dinoflagellates (Morrill et al 1983). Since dinoflagellate nuclei possess intermediate characteristics between the coiled DNA areas of prokaryotic bacteria and the well-defined eukaryotic nucleus it was termed ‘mesokaryotic’ by Dodge (1966). This research focuses on Gambierdiscus toxicus which is an armored, marine, benthic species in the phylum Dinoflagellata. It has an epitheca and a hypotheca, that is very similar in size, compressed anterio-posteriorly. The theca is covered with numerous deep and dense pores which are very thick. This species is autotrophic creating energy via several golden-brown chloroplasts (Hackett et al 2004), but is also heterotrophic and hence is referred to as mixotrophic. It has a ventrally – oriented crescent shaped nucleus. (Adachi & Fukuyo 1979). It usually inhabits warmer waters such as bay, mediterranian, tropical/sub – tropical in North/Central America (Shiumuzu et al 1982; Loeblich & Indelicato 1986), Asia/Pacific (Holmes & Tao 2002; Lu & Hodgkiss 2004) and has recently been identified in the Mediterranean (Aligizaki & Nikolaidis 2008). These authors identified the organisms to genus level, at best of their effort, so may have been one of the less common members of its g enus although it is unlikely.

Jose Rizal Life in Dapitan Essay

The El Filibusterismo is the sequel of the Noli Me Tangere. Both nationalistic novels were written by Dr. Jose Rizal. In Noli Me Tangere, Rizal described the full extent of slavery and abuse suffered by the native Indios at the hands of Spanish authorities. Hence in this second book, Rizal pictured a society at the brink of revolution. The Indios have started to adapt liberal ideas and guerrilla factions have started to revolt against the government. The advent of the novel starts 13 years after the events in the Noli Me Tangere, Juan Crisostomo Ibarra orchestrated a plot of evil means but heroic desires. During his travels in Europe, Ibarra changed his name to Simoun. He becomes a renowned jeweler thus his wealth grew further. He started to make new connections with the illustrious societal personalities in Spain. With his influence, he helped a military colonel to rise the ladder and be promoted as captain general of the colonial territory, the Philippines. For Simoun, it was all planned. Upon his return in the Philippines, he was dubbed as his black eminence. People saw him as an influential figure whom his majesty consults whenever decisions are to be made. After all, his majesty, the captain general owed so much to Simoun. Simoun wants to take revenge and bring back the love of Maria Clara who now resides at the convent. The jeweler was famed for his wealth and power. Hence, no one thought that the opportunists and fearsome Simoun was the same idealistic Ibarra of the past. Simoun started to look for followers. He found his allies with the oppressed and enslaved. He form an alliance with Kabesang Tales’ group, an outlaw whose land was grabbed by the friar’s corporation. He then, looks for more men. He searched the villages looking for strong willed men who have a gripe on the government. Simoun, using the influence he has on the captain general, ordered stricter and more abusive government policies – a move that will make the people angrier. This was the plot of Simoun, to use the people’s hatred against the government to his advantage. Simoun also ordered attacks that will backfire and weaken the government’s military forces. However, the revolution scheduled at the night of a musical play in Manila didn’t come into fruition. Months, later another plan was made. At the grand wedding of Juanita Pelaez, the son of a successful businessman and the beautiful Paulita Gomez, Simoun insisted to take charge in the decorating. Simoun knew that the feast would be attended by friars, government officials and prominent figures – the same people who wrecked havoc to his life. Beneath the beautiful decorations and lighting were sacks of gun powder. The whole house was filled with explosives. Simoun formed his own army of the oppressed and enslaved and with the help of government soldiers and outlaws whom he commissioned, they will start a bloody revolution. The mission, to kill all Spanish authorities and to take control of the country. At the wedding, Simoun puts a beautiful lamp at the center of the table carved with gold linings and other kind of gems and jewelries. Simoun left as soon as delivering his gift, the lamp. It was a festive celebration but unknown to the guests, the lamp is a time bomb that will explode once lifted. It will result into a huge explosion that will be a signal to Simoun’s troops to simultaneously attack Manila. Just before the lamp explodes, a piece of mysterious paper bearing the message â€Å"You will die tonight† was being passed. It was signed by Juan Crisostomo Ibarra. Father Salvi confirmed that it was the real signature of Ibarra, a long-forgotten filibuster. The guests at the wedding were all frightened. Slowly, the lamp’s light started to diminish and soon one will lift it and will cause a huge explosion. However, a Isagani, a student and friend of the newly-weds knew the plot and because of his undying love to Paulita threw the lamp before it explodes. After the wedding, the plot was unraveled and a shoot-to-kill order for Simoun was commissioned. Hence, Simoun, the sly fox that he is, makes sure that he won’t get caught alive. He drank a poison and as it effects started to take toll on his body, he was able to confess his plans and real name to a Filipino priests. Characters Simounben zayb Basilioplacido penitente Isaganiquiroga Kabesang talesold man selo Don custodiofather fernandez Paulita Gomezattorney pasta Father florentinocaptain-general Hulipadre sibyla What is the climax of el filibusterismo? the climax of the story of El Filibusterismo found in kabanata 35 in titled â€Å"ANG PISTA† What are the moral values of el filibusterismo? El Filibusterismo was Rizal’s second novel published in Ghent, Belgium in 1891 with the financial help of Valentin Ventura. It is a sequel to his first novel, Noli Me Tangere. The main character of El Filibusterismo is Simoun, a rich jeweler from Cuba. He was Crisostomo Ibarra of Noli Me Tangere who, with Elias’ help, escaped from the pursuing soldiers at Laguna Lake, dug up his buried treasure, and sailed to Cuba where he became rich and made friends with many Spanish officials. After many years, he returns to the Philippines in disguise. He has become so powerful because he became an adviser of the governor-general. On the outside, Simoun is a friend of Spain. But deep in his heart, he is secretly planning a bitter revenge against the Spanish authorities. His obsessions are 1) to incite a revolution against the Spanish authorities, and 2) to rescue Maria Clara from the Sta.Clara convent. â€Å"El Filibusterismo (Subversion) is the second novel by Jose Rizal, national hero of the Philippines. Written as a sequel to the Noli Me Tangere, it focuses more on dark themes and appears to favor revolution (at least as far as the main character is concerned) † —-by: Manuel Viloria â€Å"A Filipino Family on the Web† El Filibusterismo (lit. Spanish for â€Å"The Filibustering†[1]), also known by its English alternate title The Reign of Greed,[2] is the second novel written by Philippine national hero Josà © Rizal. It is the sequel to Noli Me Tangere and like the first book, was written in Spanish. It was first published in 1891 in Ghent, Belgium.

Technology in Healthcare: Good or Bad

lI believe that technology is both good and bad in the healthcare field. With technology constantly changing, there is no end to what we can do. Technology allows us to use computers or computerized systems to collect, process, and store pertinent data. It also allows up to progress to the future with the machines we use in the healthcare field. Some of the upsides are better record keeping, data analysis, and convenient documentation which can provide more prompt medical billing. Patient security and safety is a concern with all advances in technology.After all, without the patients, what business would the healthcare field have? Technology via machines that are used are constantly progressing. These can be very good in the development of better machines to help to aide patients in better treatment and less lengthy hospital stays. There are downsides to technology in healthcare though. Let’s think for a minute. What causes errors in healthcare technology? Human error. This ca n be via inadequately trained, inexperienced, tired, or even cases where people don’t admit they made a mistake.How about faulty equipment or programming? If a machine or program is not running properly then it isn’t going to give the right results. One thing for sure is that there has to be constant monitoring and troubleshooting to maintain a safe environment for both the patient, the hospital or facility, and also for the companies who make the products we use in the technological aspect of healthcare. With technology being a definite for the future, I think it’s just a wait and see thing as to whether it ends up being better or worse.